Cities and People: course description
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Neil De Marchi, Duke University
Cities began to be thought about in new ways towards the end of the twentieth century. Part of the impetus came from reformers who saw city-centers being carved up by multi-lane freeways that destroyed or split whole neighborhoods. That approach to planning had regarded the neighborhood as an impediment to easy access by workers traveling to and from the suburbs. Instead, argued the reformers, neighborhoods should be understood as the essential building blocks of city culture and, in many instances, of city economy. This alternative voice was heard in many cities and plans abandoned, some freeways even being torn down. But the reform movement also resulted in a new approach to planning, where residents and users were given equal voice.
Somewhat later, economists began to rethink their own understanding of cities. As small and large producers alike moved out of cities in the 1960s and 1970s, it became necessary to focus on people other than as industrial workers. Initially economists were puzzled that people should continue to live in, and even continue to move to, cities in the face of diminished industrial employment opportunities plus negatives such as noise, traffic congestion and often high rents or service and living costs. It was obvious that there must be positive spillover effects from living close to others. A still-traditional focus identified positive economic benefits – new job growth, for example – where people lived close together; but certain economic thinkers also began to explore what manner of economy it was that could survive industrial reversal yet renew itself economically and attract people from outside who could live more cheaply and possibly more comfortably elsewhere.
A lot of empirical inquiry has been undertaken towards clarifying how cities function, and what makes for vibrant and flourishing cities rather than declining and dying ones. Much of this work requires collecting new data, and many explanatory variables are involved. This makes it both complex and slow. Conclusions therefore are still pending. But some things have become clear. Perhaps chief among these is that cities are about social interaction and space. Space of course has to do with city planning, including the provision of public spaces. These, however, having long been thought of largely as places of escape and relaxation from the daily round, are now also understood to be contexts, of whatever sort, that enable people to feel pleasure in being together. As such they also become possibilities for inspiring and spreading new ideas and activities. Clearly this all goes together with a breakdown in the work-leisure distinction for many, with pleasure, especially understood as intrinsic satisfaction, as a common link between what used to be thought of as work and leisure separately, and with pursuits that are interactive and creative wherever and whenever they occur and whatever form they take. This involves a reordering of life that cities are uniquely qualified to sustain.
The course will explore the historical emergence of this new understanding of city economy and city life. And it will engage students in doing their own research into what makes for vibrant as distinct from declining cities.
Somewhat later, economists began to rethink their own understanding of cities. As small and large producers alike moved out of cities in the 1960s and 1970s, it became necessary to focus on people other than as industrial workers. Initially economists were puzzled that people should continue to live in, and even continue to move to, cities in the face of diminished industrial employment opportunities plus negatives such as noise, traffic congestion and often high rents or service and living costs. It was obvious that there must be positive spillover effects from living close to others. A still-traditional focus identified positive economic benefits – new job growth, for example – where people lived close together; but certain economic thinkers also began to explore what manner of economy it was that could survive industrial reversal yet renew itself economically and attract people from outside who could live more cheaply and possibly more comfortably elsewhere.
A lot of empirical inquiry has been undertaken towards clarifying how cities function, and what makes for vibrant and flourishing cities rather than declining and dying ones. Much of this work requires collecting new data, and many explanatory variables are involved. This makes it both complex and slow. Conclusions therefore are still pending. But some things have become clear. Perhaps chief among these is that cities are about social interaction and space. Space of course has to do with city planning, including the provision of public spaces. These, however, having long been thought of largely as places of escape and relaxation from the daily round, are now also understood to be contexts, of whatever sort, that enable people to feel pleasure in being together. As such they also become possibilities for inspiring and spreading new ideas and activities. Clearly this all goes together with a breakdown in the work-leisure distinction for many, with pleasure, especially understood as intrinsic satisfaction, as a common link between what used to be thought of as work and leisure separately, and with pursuits that are interactive and creative wherever and whenever they occur and whatever form they take. This involves a reordering of life that cities are uniquely qualified to sustain.
The course will explore the historical emergence of this new understanding of city economy and city life. And it will engage students in doing their own research into what makes for vibrant as distinct from declining cities.
